Wednesday, September 11, 2013

Court Upbraided N.S.A. on Its Use of Call-Log Data

http://www.nytimes.com/2013/09/11/us/court-upbraided-nsa-on-its-use-of-call-log-data.html?pagewanted=all&_r=0

---------- Forwarded message ----------
From: barry levine 
Date: Wed, Sep 11, 2013 at 8:44 AM
Subject: re: Court Upbraided N.S.A. on Its Use of Call-Log Data
To: "letters@nytimes.com"


To the Editor:
   Every day brings new evidence that James Clapper and Keith Alexander lied to Congress not casually but as part of a pattern of circumventing proper Congressional oversight. This is at once an affront to the authority of Congress, and assault on the Rule of Law and an attack on the sovereignty of the electorate. Each passing day that president Obama doesn't fire these two bolsters the conclusion that he is not in charge here and that our Intelligence Community is above the law.
Barry Haskell Levine

Court Upbraided N.S.A. on Its Use of Call-Log Data

By 
Published: September 10, 2013 36 CommentsIntelligence officials released secret documents on Tuesday showing that a judge reprimanded the National Security Agency in 2009 for violating its own procedures and misleading the nation’s intelligence court about how it used the telephone call logs it gathers in the hunt for terrorists.
It was the second case of a severe scolding of the spy agency by the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Court to come to light since the disclosure of thousands of N.S.A. documents by Edward J. Snowden, a former contractor, began this summer.
The newly disclosed violations involved the N.S.A. program that has drawn perhaps the sharpest criticism from members of Congress and civil libertarians: the collection and storage for five years of information on virtually every phone call made in the United States. The agency uses orders from the intelligence court to compel phone companies to turn over records of numbers called and the time and duration of each call — the “metadata,” not the actual content of the calls.
Since Mr. Snowden disclosed the program, the agency has said that while it gathers data on billions of calls, it makes only a few hundred queries in the database each year, when it has “reasonable, articulable suspicion” that a telephone number is connected to terrorism.
But the new documents show that the agency also compares each day’s phone call data as it arrives with an “alert list” of thousands of domestic and foreign phone numbers that it has identified as possibly linked to terrorism.
The agency told the court that all the numbers on the alert list had met the legal standard of suspicion, but that was false. In fact, only about 10 percent of 17,800 phone numbers on the alert list in 2009 had met that test, a senior intelligence official said.
In a sharply worded March 2009 ruling, Judge Reggie B. Walton described the N.S.A.’s failure to comply with rules set by the intelligence court, set limits on how it could use the data it had gathered, and accused the agency of repeatedly misinforming the judges.
“The government has compounded its noncompliance with the court’s orders by repeatedly submitting inaccurate descriptions of the alert list process” to the court, Judge Walton wrote. “It has finally come to light that the F.I.S.C.’s authorizations of this vast collection program have been premised on a flawed depiction of how the N.S.A. uses” the phone call data.
The senior American intelligence official, briefing reporters before the documents’ release, admitted the sting of the court’s reprimand but said the problems came in a complex, highly technical program and were unintentional.
“There was nobody at N.S.A. who really had a full understanding of how the program was operating at the time,” said the official, who spoke on the condition of anonymity. The official noted that the agency itself discovered the problem, reported it to the court and to Congress, and worked out new procedures that the court approved.
In making public 14 documents on the Web site of the director of national intelligence,James R. Clapper Jr., the intelligence officials were acting in response to Freedom of Information Act lawsuits and a call from President Obama for greater transparency about intelligence programs. The lawsuits were filed by two advocacy groups, the Electronic Frontier Foundation and the American Civil Liberties Union.
“The documents only begin to uncover the abuses of the huge databases of information the N.S.A. has of innocent Americans’ calling records,” said Mark M. Jaycox, a policy analyst at the Electronic Frontier Foundation. He said the agency’s explanation — that none of its workers fully understood the phone metadata program — showed “how much of a rogue agency the N.S.A. has become.”
Judge Walton’s ruling, originally classified as top secret, did not go that far. But he wrote that the privacy safeguards approved by the court “have been so frequently and systematically violated” that they “never functioned effectively.”
Senator Patrick J. Leahy of Vermont, the chairman of the Senate Judiciary Committee, welcomed the release of the documents, but said that they showed “systemic problems” and that the bulk collection of Americans’ phone records should be stopped.
Intelligence officials have expressed some willingness to adjust the program in response to complaints from Congress and the public, possibly by requiring the phone companies, rather than the N.S.A., to stockpile the call data. But they say that the program remains crucial in detecting terrorist plots and is now being run in line with the court’s rules.
A different intelligence court judge, John D. Bates, rebuked the N.S.A. in 2011 for violations in another program and also complained of a pattern of misrepresentation. The 2011 opinion, which made a reference to the 2009 reprimand, was released by intelligence officials last month.
Since June, Mr. Snowden’s revelations have set off the most extensive public scrutiny of the N.S.A. since its creation in 1952. Last week, based on his documents, The New York Times, ProPublica and The Guardian wrote about the agency’s systematic efforts to defeat privacy protections for Internet communications, including evidence that the agency deliberately weakened an encryption standard adopted nationally and internationally in 2006.
On Tuesday, the National Institute of Standards and Technology, the agency charged with setting federal cybersecurity standards, scrambled to try to restore public confidence, after reports that it had recommended a standard that contained a back door for the N.S.A.
The agency said it would reopen the public vetting process for the standard, used by software developers around the world. “If vulnerabilities are found in these or any other N.I.S.T. standard, we will work with the cryptographic community to address them as quickly as possible,” the agency said in a statement.
The Times reported that as part of the N.S.A.’s efforts, it had worked behind the scenes to push the same standard on the International Organization for Standardization, which counts 163 countries among its members.
The national standards agency denied that it had ever deliberately weakened a cryptographic standard, and it moved to clarify its relationship with the N.S.A. “The National Security Agency participates in the N.I.S.T. cryptography process because of its recognized expertise,” the standards agency said. “N.I.S.T. is also required by statute to consult with the N.S.A.”
Cryptographers said that the revelations last week had eroded their trust in the agency, but that reopening the review process was an important step in rebuilding confidence.
“I know from firsthand communications that a number of people at N.I.S.T. feel betrayed by their colleagues at the N.S.A.,” Matthew D. Green, a cryptography researcher at Johns Hopkins University, said in an interview on Tuesday. “Reopening the standard is the first step in fixing that betrayal and restoring confidence in N.I.S.T.”
Nicole Perlroth contributed reporting.

Monday, September 9, 2013

White House Adds Arab Support as It and Assad Use TV to Press Their Cases

http://www.nytimes.com/2013/09/09/world/middleeast/kerry-announces-saudi-support-for-syrian-strike.html?pagewanted=all&_r=0

---------- Forwarded message ----------
From: barry levine 
Date: Mon, Sep 9, 2013 at 9:15 AM
Subject: re: White House Adds Arab Support as It and Assad Use TV to Press Their Cases
To: "letters@nytimes.com"


To the Editor:
    President Obama boasting that he now has Saudi support for strikes on Syria is a bit like crowing that he  has scored a date with his own wife.  It is the Saudis who have been lobbying us to strike Syria.
Barry Haskell Levine


White House Adds Arab Support as It and Assad Use TV to Press Their Cases

Pool photo by Susan Walsh
Secretary of State John Kerry met with Arab representatives in Paris on Sunday. Qatar said it would back foreign intervention but did not go as far as Saudi Arabia.
By  and 
Published: September 8, 2013
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WASHINGTON — At home and abroad, the Obama administration redoubled its campaign Sunday to build support for military action against Syria, saying it had won the backing of Saudi Arabia for a strike while still laboring to persuade a deeply reluctant Congress.
Multimedia
World Twitter Logo.

Connect With Us on Twitter

Follow@nytimesworld for international breaking news and headlines.
Pool photo by Susan Walsh
Secretary of State John Kerry, right, with Arab League foreign ministers in Paris on Sunday, including the Saudi foreign minister, Saud al-Faisal, second from right.
But Syria’s president, Bashar al-Assad, thrust himself into the debate as well, rejecting President Obama’s claim that his forces used chemical weapons on civilians last month. In an interview with Charlie Rose, scheduled to be broadcast on Monday, Mr. Assad warned that if Syria was attacked, it would retaliate.
With Mr. Obama scheduled to press his case on Monday in interviews with six major television networks, the prospect of a split-screen moment loomed, featuring the two main antagonists in the international debate over how to deal with Syria.
In Paris, Secretary of State John Kerry said the Saudi foreign minister, Prince Saud al-Faisal, told him that Saudi Arabia would support an American-led strike. Qatar also said it would back foreign intervention, though it did not explicitly endorse airstrikes. Mr. Kerry said he was hopeful that additional countries would indicate support for a strong response in coming days.
In Washington, the White House chief of staff, Denis R. McDonough, said the vote in Congress over whether to authorize military force would be closely watched by Iran and Hezbollah as a test of American resolve to respond to a chemical weapons attack by Syrian forces.
The question now for Congress is, “are there consequences for a dictator who would have used those weapons to gas to death hundreds of children?” he said on “Fox News Sunday.”
With Congress returning from a recess on Tuesday, the White House is trying to pivot from establishing what happened in the outskirts of Damascus early on Aug. 21 to what the world should do about it. Mr. McDonough insisted that there was no longer a debate over intelligence indicating that a horrific chemical weapons attack had taken place.
But the depth of resistance in Congress was again on display Sunday, with lawmakers from both parties appearing on television news programs to voice opposition to a strike, either because they viewed it as a slippery slope toward another Middle East war or because they worried that it might strengthen Syrian rebels with ties to Al Qaeda.
“We’re being told that there are two choices: do nothing or bomb Syria,” Representative Jim McGovern, Democrat from Massachusetts, said on the CNN program “State of the Union.” “Clearly there have to be some other choices in between. We ought to explore them.”
Representative Michael McCaul, the Texas Republican who is the chairman of the House Homeland Security Committee, said on NBC’s “Meet the Press” that he could not support military action because “once we hit, this is an act of war.” He added, “Little wars start big wars, and we have to remember that.”
In the next phase of his push on Capitol Hill, Mr. Obama is set to meet with Senate Democrats at their weekly lunch on Tuesday, a Democrat with knowledge of the plans said. On Monday, the House Democratic leadership is scheduled to go over strategy with Mr. McDonough.
Though the Senate is friendlier turf than the Republican-controlled House, the White House is far from assured of victory there, either. The Senate majority leader, Harry Reid of Nevada, has appealed to skeptical Democrats by urging them to vote yes on a motion to end debate on the resolution, which requires 60 votes and is the first step toward passage.
Mr. Reid is telling them they are then free to vote their conscience on final passage, which requires a simple majority of 51. Some Democrats believe that they could lose as many as 15 Democratic senators on final passage. Whether they could find the 10 or so Republican votes they would need is not certain.
Among Republicans who spoke out on Sunday against military action were Senator Rand Paul of Kentucky, who has steadfastly opposed American engagement in Syria, and Senator Ted Cruz of Texas, who defenders of the president note had advocated a military operation back in June to secure or destroy Syria’s chemical weapons stockpiles.
On the ABC News program “This Week,” Mr. Cruz said Mr. Obama had not laid out a clear military mission. “I don’t think that’s the job of our military, to be defending amorphous international norms,” he said.
On Sunday evening, Mr. Obama dropped in on a dinner that Vice President Joseph R. Biden Jr. held for Republican senators at his residence.
Overseas, the administration’s efforts to marshal support appeared to be bearing more fruit. At a news conference in Paris, Mr. Kerry said of Saudi Arabia: “They have supported the strike, and they support taking action. They believe that it’s very important to do that.”
Qatar’s foreign minister, Khalid al-Attiyah, said military intervention was justified because foreign supporters of Mr. Assad had already joined the fight on the side of the Syrian government — an allusion to Iran and Hezbollah, the militant Islamist group in Lebanon.
Asked if Qatar would join in an American-led attack, he said, “Qatar is currently studying with its friends and the United Nations what it could provide in order to protect the Syrian people.”
Saudi Arabia and Qatar were among the first backers of the rebels who are fighting Mr. Assad. They have provided weapons for the opposition, and there has been speculation that each would participate in an American-led military operation.
Mr. Kerry asserted on Saturday that the number of countries prepared to participate militarily was “in the double digits.” Apart from France, however, he has not identified which might join the United States or what their military contribution might be.
Mr. Kerry’s four-day trip to Europe was initially intended primarily to focus on ways to bolster the Middle East peace negotiations. But with an eye on the Congressional debate, he has prodded countries to sign a statement that blames the Syrian government for the chemical weapons attack and calls for a “strong international response.”
About a dozen nations have signed the statement, which American officials circulated last week during a Group of 20 meeting in St. Petersburg, Russia. Mr. Kerry said he hoped to get more nations to sign before returning to Washington on Monday.
The White House’s lobbying offensive was kicked off by Mr. McDonough, who appeared on all five major Sunday news programs. He previewed a key argument that Mr. Obama will make in his Monday interviews and in a speech to the nation on Tuesday.
“This is not Iraq or Afghanistan, this is not Libya, this is not an extended air campaign,” Mr. McDonough said on CNN. “This is something that’s targeted, limited and effective so as to underscore that he should not think that he can get away with this again.”
Mark Landler reported from Washington, Michael R. Gordon from London, and Michael S. Schmidt from Salt Lake City. Jeremy W. Peters contributed reporting from Washington, and Brian Stelter from New York.
A version of this article appears in print on September 9, 2013, on page A9 of the New York edition with the headline: White House Adds Arab Support as It and Assad Use TV to Press Their Cases.

White House Adds Arab Support as It and Assad Use TV to Press Their Cases

http://www.nytimes.com/2013/09/09/world/middleeast/kerry-announces-saudi-support-for-syrian-strike.html?pagewanted=all&_r=0

---------- Forwarded message ----------
From: barry levine 
Date: Mon, Sep 9, 2013 at 9:15 AM
Subject: re: White House Adds Arab Support as It and Assad Use TV to Press Their Cases
To: "letters@nytimes.com"


To the Editor:
    President Obama boasting that he now has Saudi support for strikes on Syria is a bit like crowing that he  has scored a date with his own wife.  It is the Saudis who have been lobbying us to strike Syria.
Barry Haskell Levine


White House Adds Arab Support as It and Assad Use TV to Press Their Cases

Pool photo by Susan Walsh
Secretary of State John Kerry met with Arab representatives in Paris on Sunday. Qatar said it would back foreign intervention but did not go as far as Saudi Arabia.
By  and 
Published: September 8, 2013
  • FACEBOOK
  • TWITTER
  • GOOGLE+
  • SAVE
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WASHINGTON — At home and abroad, the Obama administration redoubled its campaign Sunday to build support for military action against Syria, saying it had won the backing of Saudi Arabia for a strike while still laboring to persuade a deeply reluctant Congress.
Multimedia
World Twitter Logo.

Connect With Us on Twitter

Follow@nytimesworld for international breaking news and headlines.
Pool photo by Susan Walsh
Secretary of State John Kerry, right, with Arab League foreign ministers in Paris on Sunday, including the Saudi foreign minister, Saud al-Faisal, second from right.
But Syria’s president, Bashar al-Assad, thrust himself into the debate as well, rejecting President Obama’s claim that his forces used chemical weapons on civilians last month. In an interview with Charlie Rose, scheduled to be broadcast on Monday, Mr. Assad warned that if Syria was attacked, it would retaliate.
With Mr. Obama scheduled to press his case on Monday in interviews with six major television networks, the prospect of a split-screen moment loomed, featuring the two main antagonists in the international debate over how to deal with Syria.
In Paris, Secretary of State John Kerry said the Saudi foreign minister, Prince Saud al-Faisal, told him that Saudi Arabia would support an American-led strike. Qatar also said it would back foreign intervention, though it did not explicitly endorse airstrikes. Mr. Kerry said he was hopeful that additional countries would indicate support for a strong response in coming days.
In Washington, the White House chief of staff, Denis R. McDonough, said the vote in Congress over whether to authorize military force would be closely watched by Iran and Hezbollah as a test of American resolve to respond to a chemical weapons attack by Syrian forces.
The question now for Congress is, “are there consequences for a dictator who would have used those weapons to gas to death hundreds of children?” he said on “Fox News Sunday.”
With Congress returning from a recess on Tuesday, the White House is trying to pivot from establishing what happened in the outskirts of Damascus early on Aug. 21 to what the world should do about it. Mr. McDonough insisted that there was no longer a debate over intelligence indicating that a horrific chemical weapons attack had taken place.
But the depth of resistance in Congress was again on display Sunday, with lawmakers from both parties appearing on television news programs to voice opposition to a strike, either because they viewed it as a slippery slope toward another Middle East war or because they worried that it might strengthen Syrian rebels with ties to Al Qaeda.
“We’re being told that there are two choices: do nothing or bomb Syria,” Representative Jim McGovern, Democrat from Massachusetts, said on the CNN program “State of the Union.” “Clearly there have to be some other choices in between. We ought to explore them.”
Representative Michael McCaul, the Texas Republican who is the chairman of the House Homeland Security Committee, said on NBC’s “Meet the Press” that he could not support military action because “once we hit, this is an act of war.” He added, “Little wars start big wars, and we have to remember that.”
In the next phase of his push on Capitol Hill, Mr. Obama is set to meet with Senate Democrats at their weekly lunch on Tuesday, a Democrat with knowledge of the plans said. On Monday, the House Democratic leadership is scheduled to go over strategy with Mr. McDonough.
Though the Senate is friendlier turf than the Republican-controlled House, the White House is far from assured of victory there, either. The Senate majority leader, Harry Reid of Nevada, has appealed to skeptical Democrats by urging them to vote yes on a motion to end debate on the resolution, which requires 60 votes and is the first step toward passage.
Mr. Reid is telling them they are then free to vote their conscience on final passage, which requires a simple majority of 51. Some Democrats believe that they could lose as many as 15 Democratic senators on final passage. Whether they could find the 10 or so Republican votes they would need is not certain.
Among Republicans who spoke out on Sunday against military action were Senator Rand Paul of Kentucky, who has steadfastly opposed American engagement in Syria, and Senator Ted Cruz of Texas, who defenders of the president note had advocated a military operation back in June to secure or destroy Syria’s chemical weapons stockpiles.
On the ABC News program “This Week,” Mr. Cruz said Mr. Obama had not laid out a clear military mission. “I don’t think that’s the job of our military, to be defending amorphous international norms,” he said.
On Sunday evening, Mr. Obama dropped in on a dinner that Vice President Joseph R. Biden Jr. held for Republican senators at his residence.
Overseas, the administration’s efforts to marshal support appeared to be bearing more fruit. At a news conference in Paris, Mr. Kerry said of Saudi Arabia: “They have supported the strike, and they support taking action. They believe that it’s very important to do that.”
Qatar’s foreign minister, Khalid al-Attiyah, said military intervention was justified because foreign supporters of Mr. Assad had already joined the fight on the side of the Syrian government — an allusion to Iran and Hezbollah, the militant Islamist group in Lebanon.
Asked if Qatar would join in an American-led attack, he said, “Qatar is currently studying with its friends and the United Nations what it could provide in order to protect the Syrian people.”
Saudi Arabia and Qatar were among the first backers of the rebels who are fighting Mr. Assad. They have provided weapons for the opposition, and there has been speculation that each would participate in an American-led military operation.
Mr. Kerry asserted on Saturday that the number of countries prepared to participate militarily was “in the double digits.” Apart from France, however, he has not identified which might join the United States or what their military contribution might be.
Mr. Kerry’s four-day trip to Europe was initially intended primarily to focus on ways to bolster the Middle East peace negotiations. But with an eye on the Congressional debate, he has prodded countries to sign a statement that blames the Syrian government for the chemical weapons attack and calls for a “strong international response.”
About a dozen nations have signed the statement, which American officials circulated last week during a Group of 20 meeting in St. Petersburg, Russia. Mr. Kerry said he hoped to get more nations to sign before returning to Washington on Monday.
The White House’s lobbying offensive was kicked off by Mr. McDonough, who appeared on all five major Sunday news programs. He previewed a key argument that Mr. Obama will make in his Monday interviews and in a speech to the nation on Tuesday.
“This is not Iraq or Afghanistan, this is not Libya, this is not an extended air campaign,” Mr. McDonough said on CNN. “This is something that’s targeted, limited and effective so as to underscore that he should not think that he can get away with this again.”
Mark Landler reported from Washington, Michael R. Gordon from London, and Michael S. Schmidt from Salt Lake City. Jeremy W. Peters contributed reporting from Washington, and Brian Stelter from New York.
A version of this article appears in print on September 9, 2013, on page A9 of the New York edition with the headline: White House Adds Arab Support as It and Assad Use TV to Press Their Cases.

Sunday, September 8, 2013

the hands-tied presidency

http://www.nytimes.com/2013/09/08/sunday-review/the-hands-tied-presidency.html?pagewanted=all&_r=0

---------- Forwarded message ----------
From: barry levine 
Date: Sun, Sep 8, 2013 at 9:21 AM
Subject: re: The Hands-Tied Presidency
To: "letters@nytimes.com"


To the Editor:
   Sam Tanenhaus is either lying or he's stark raving mad.  To call the president who claims the power to kill anyone--citizen or non-citizen--anywhere--here or abroad--without charges or any semblance of  due process of law "weakened" is an Orwellian lie as crass as "war is peace". Rather, this president is obscenely powerful.
   President Obama, however, is not mad.  By throwing the decision on military action to our do-nothing Congress, he manages to avoid a stupid quagmire in Syria without having to renounce  his earlier bellicose rhetoric.
   That decisions on War and Peace belong to the Congress and not to the President if evidence not that the presidency is weakened, but that the Congress, which our Founding Fathers conceived as the branch closest to the People, is less inclined to engage in war to rally support. Because Americans rarely deny a president re-election in war-time.
Barry Haskell Levine


NEWS ANALYSIS

The Hands-Tied Presidency

Think Back: Limits of Presidential Power: While President Obama seeks Congress’ approval for military action in Syria, Writer at Large Sam Tanenhaus looks at earlier American presidents who worked to expand their powers.
By 
Published: September 7, 2013
AS the debate on the Syria intervention began in Congress last week, some wondered why President Obama, who has been frustrated repeatedly by Republican legislators, would risk being thwarted yet again and possibly jeopardize the ability of future presidents to pursue ambitious foreign policy objectives.
In explaining his decision, Mr. Obama stressed constitutional imperatives. “I’m the president of the world’s oldest constitutional democracy,” he said, adding that he must respect “members of Congress who want their voices to be heard.”
But Mr. Obama might also have been acknowledging something else: that he holds office at a time when the presidency itself has ceded much of its power and authority to Congress. His predecessors found this, too. Bill Clinton discovered it after the 1994 election, when Newt Gingrich, the architect of the Republican victory in the House, briefly seemed the most powerful politician in the land.
George W. Bush discovered it 10 years later when he claimed a mandate after his re-election, only to see two of his prized programs — privatizing Social Security and immigration reform — wither amid resistance in Congress.
This is the history Mr. Obama has inherited. The major accomplishment of his first term, his health care reform bill, owed less to his leadership, perhaps, than to that of Nancy Pelosi, the House speaker in 2009-10. In his second term Mr. Obama effectively rallied public support for gun-law reform, and yet the bill was defeated in the Senate.
The perception that this is a time of diminishing presidential power has even made its way into popular culture. A decade ago, television’s top political drama was “The West Wing,” with its idealistic president and his smart and hyper-energetic staff who charged through the hallways and camped in their offices at night.
Contrast this with the signature political fictions of the current moment. In the HBO comedy “Veep,” the humor flows from the mordant premise that the neurotic, bumbling vice president, played by Julia Louis-Dreyfus, is “a heartbeat away” from the White House (whose occupant is all but invisible).
In the Netflix melodrama “House of Cards,” the president is a bystander of his own administration. It’s run instead by the conniving House majority whip, played by Kevin Spacey, who in one story line exerts his power in a marathon “mark up” session in which House members insert pet provisions in a bill.
Divided government has been a staple of American politics for many years, and Mr. Obama, a former professor of constitutional law, needs no education in the system of checks and balances. But analysts usually emphasize other factors. In ideological terms there is a Tea Party-caffeinated insurgency within the House Republican caucus. In personal terms, there is Mr. Obama’s inability to charm adversaries as Ronald Reagan did. And while the executive branch’s role in national security has grown mightily in recent decades, Mr. Obama’s decision to go to Congress arguably shows a greater deference on war and peace than any president since Franklin D. Roosevelt.
BUT what if the problem isn’t a matter of ideology or personality? What if it is structural and institutional? This is the case some political theorists have been making for many years.
“The actual form of our present government is simply a scheme of congressional supremacy,” one close student of politics, Woodrow Wilson, wrote in his book “Congressional Government,” published in 1885, when Wilson was not yet 30, and when a succession of weak presidents — Ulysses S. Grant, Rutherford B. Hayes, Chester A. Arthur — seemed unable to master the uses of power.
Wilson did not fault individual presidents. Instead he pointed to the weakened condition of the presidency itself. “Its power has waned,” Wilson wrote. “And its power has waned because the power of Congress has become predominant.” As the nation got bigger, so did the House of Representatives. But it also became more atomized. Its “doings seem helter-skelter, and without comprehensible rule,” Wilson wrote.
The “almost numberless bills that come pouring in” were parceled among 47 “standing committees,” with the lines of jurisdiction hopelessly tangled. No one could shape a coherent vision of it — except, possibly, the president. He alone was elected by and accountable to the whole of the country, Wilson argued, and so was rightfully the “unifying force in our complex system, the leader of both party and nation.”
Thus the idea of the presidential “mandate,” a principle that “cannot be found in the Framers’ conception of the Constitution,” as the political scientist Robert Dahl noted in 1990.
Wilson’s own presidency, as the historian Jill Lepore pointed out last week in The New Yorker, can be interpreted as an attempt to put his theory into practice, and he too was unable to realize much of what he envisioned, though his two terms represent the first modern instance of the “imperial presidency.”
Tellingly, when Wilson set forth his vision of the modern presidency, he drew parallels with scientific theory. The “mechanical” view of congressional politics originated in the ideas of Newton, while a more sophisticated presidential politics reflected the adaptive, evolutionary system of Darwin. When Wilson made this comparison, in 1908, many Americans resisted Darwin’s theories, as indeed many still do.
And this, in turn, points to a fault line in our politics that has less to do with constitutional disagreements than with cultural ones. It is not surprising that Wilson has become the historical bête noire of conservatives in the Obama years. Critics ranging from Glenn Beck to Paul Ryan have said Wilson led the nation away from its original basis — a self-governing citizenry guided by common sense and represented by legislators attuned to local concerns — and replaced it with a regime of policy experts “devoted to high principle,” as the political theorist Willmoore Kendall put it in 1960.
These tensions have resurfaced today. While Mr. Obama and his secretary of state, John Kerry, have painted the Syria intervention in grand moral terms, skeptical legislators in both parties say their constituents are asking practical questions about its cost and consequences. And they may have history on their side.
After all, it was devotion to high principle that gave us Vietnam and Iraq.
Sam Tanenhaus is a writer at large for The New York Times
.
A version of this news analysis appears in print on September 8, 2013, on page SR4 of the New York edition with the headline: The Hands-Tied Presidency.

Friday, September 6, 2013

China: 400 Million Cannot Speak Mandarin

http://www.nytimes.com/2013/09/06/world/asia/china-400-million-cannot-speak-mandarin.html?_r=0

---------- Forwarded message ----------
From: barry levine 
Date: Fri, Sep 6, 2013 at 7:57 AM
Subject: re: China: 400 Million Cannot Speak Mandarin
To: "letters@nytimes.com"


To the Editor:
  In a world with real problems, Beijing is bizarrely focused on one that is wholly artificial.  Just ending the occupation of Tibet and Xinjiang would instantly improve the ratio of "Chinese" who speak Mandarin. And 25 million people would finally enjoy the "self determination" promised in the UN charter.
Barry Haskell Levine

WORLD BRIEFING | ASIA

China: 400 Million Cannot Speak Mandarin

By REUTERS
Published: September 5, 2013
World Twitter Logo.
More than 400 million Chinese are unable to speak the national language, Mandarin, and large numbers in the rest of the country speak it badly, state news media said Thursday as the government began another push for linguistic unity.China’s governing Communist Party has promoted Mandarin for decades to unite a nation with thousands of dialects and numerous minority languages, but that campaign has been hampered by resistance that has sometimes led to violent unrest as well as by the country’s size and lack of investment in education, especially in poor rural areas. A Ministry of Education spokeswoman, Xu Mei, said that only 70 percent of the nation could speak Mandarin. Yet many who do speak it do so poorly, and the remaining 30 percent, or 400 million people, cannot not speak it at all, the Xinhua news agency reported.
A version of this brief appears in print on September 6, 2013, on page A10 of the New York edition with the headline: China: 400 Million Cannot Speak Mandarin.

Thursday, September 5, 2013

The Right Questions on Syria

http://www.nytimes.com/2013/09/05/opinion/kristof-the-right-questions-on-syria.html

---------- Forwarded message ----------
From: barry levine 
Date: Thu, Sep 5, 2013 at 9:13 AM
Subject: re: The Right Questions on Syria
To: "letters@nytimes.com"


To the Editor:
   A growing mountain of evidence damns Bashar al-Assad for crimes against the Syrian people, for violations of the UN charter  and for trampling international law. Nothing can excuse us from our obligation to feed the hungry, to treat the wounded and to clothe the naked, but the presence of a terrorist minority among the rebels complicates that aid. We must pursue sanctions in the UN, but al-Assad's patron Putin complicates that path. And we must enforce international law, but we're not even members of the International Criminal Court.
   What al-Assad has not done is to make war against the U.S., against our allies, or against our core national interest.  We must never resort to military force where we are not prepared to escalate all the way to boots on the ground and to drafting our sons and daughters.
   So let's start be finally joining the community of nations on the International Criminal Court. And let's see Bashar al-Assad brought to justice. But let's not rush into a limited military strike. Because there's no such thing.
Barry Haskell Levine


OP-ED COLUMNIST

The Right Questions on Syria

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Published: September 4, 2013 443 Comments
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Critics of American military action in Syria are right to point out all the risks and uncertainties of missile strikes, and they have American public opinion on their side.
Damon Winter/The New York Times
Nicholas D. Kristof

But for those of you who oppose cruise missile strikes, what alternative do you favor?
It’s all very well to urge the United Nations and Arab League to do more, but that means that Syrians will continue to be killed at a rate of 5,000 every month. Involving the International Criminal Court sounds wonderful but would make it more difficult to hammer out a peace deal in which President Bashar al-Assad steps down. So what do you propose other than that we wag our fingers as a government uses chemical weapons on its own people?
So far, we’ve tried peaceful acquiescence, and it hasn’t worked very well. The longer the war drags on in Syria, the more Al Qaeda elements gain strength, the more Lebanon and Jordan are destabilized, and the more people die. It’s admirable to insist on purely peaceful interventions, but let’s acknowledge that the likely upshot is that we sit by as perhaps another 60,000 Syrians are killed over the next year.
A decade ago, I was aghast that so many liberals were backing the Iraq war. Today, I’m dismayed that so many liberals, disillusioned by Iraq, seem willing to let an average of 165 Syrians be killed daily rather than contemplate missile strikes that just might, at the margins, make a modest difference.
The Syrian Observatory for Human Rights, which tracks the number of dead in the civil war, is exasperated at Western doves who think they are taking a moral stance.
“Where have these people been the past two years,” the organization asks on its Web site. “What is emerging in the United States and United Kingdom now is a movement that is anti-war in form but pro-war in essence.”
In other words, how is being “pro-peace” in this case much different in effect from being “pro-Assad” and resigning oneself to the continued slaughter of civilians?
To me, the central question isn’t, “What are the risks of cruise missile strikes on Syria?” I grant that those risks are considerable, from errant missiles to Hezbollah retaliation. It’s this: “Are the risks greater if we launch missiles, or if we continue to sit on our hands?”
Let’s be humble enough to acknowledge that we can’t be sure of the answer and that Syria will be bloody whatever we do. We Americans are often so self-absorbed as to think that what happens in Syria depends on us; in fact, it overwhelmingly depends on Syrians.
Yet on balance, while I applaud the general reluctance to reach for the military toolbox, it seems to me that, in this case, the humanitarian and strategic risks of inaction are greater. We’re on a trajectory that leads to accelerating casualties, increasing regional instability, growing strength of Al Qaeda forces, and more chemical weapons usage.
Will a few days of cruise missile strikes make a difference? I received a mass e-mail from a women’s group I admire, V-Day, calling on people to oppose military intervention because “such an action would simply bring about more violence and suffering. ... Experience shows us that military interventions harm innocent women, men and children.”
Really? Sure, sometimes they do, as in Iraq. But in both Bosnia and Kosovo, military intervention saved lives. The same was true in Mali and Sierra Leone. The truth is that there’s no glib or simple lesson from the past. We need to struggle, case by case, for an approach that fits each situation.
In Syria, it seems to me that cruise missile strikes might make a modest difference, by deterring further deployment of chemical weapons. Sarin nerve gas is of such limited usefulness to the Syrian army that it has taken two years to use it in a major way, and it’s plausible that we can deter Syria’s generals from employing it again if the price is high.
The Syrian government has also lately had the upper hand in fighting, and airstrikes might make it more willing to negotiate toward a peace deal to end the war. I wouldn’t bet on it, but, in Bosnia, airstrikes helped lead to the Dayton peace accord.
Missile strikes on Assad’s military airports might also degrade his ability to slaughter civilians. With fewer fighter aircraft, he may be less able to drop a napalm-like substance on a school, as his forces apparently did in Aleppo last month.
A brave BBC television crew filmed the burn victims, with clothes burned and skin peeling off their bodies, and interviewed an outraged witness who asked those opposed to military action: “You are calling for peace. What kind of peace are you calling for? Don’t you see this?”