Wednesday, October 5, 2016

re: Let’s Get Putin’s Attention

To the Editor:
   in 2016, Russia is a superpower only in military matters. She still has tanks, missiles, submarines, and atomic weapons that could destroy life on Earth. But in any other realm, Russia is a third-rate power; her economy is the size of Brazil's, and relies wholly on exports of arms, natural gas, and oil.  Vladimir Putin is accordingly eager to make all our interactions military interactions. President Obama has deftly, patiently repeatedly demurred to take the bait. Let Putin wade into a Syrian quagmire that he can't win and can't afford.
   As to cyberwar, the U.S. presents far more targets than does Russia, and has far more to lose. Why would we choose to wrestle with that pig?
Barry Haskell Levine


Thursday, September 22, 2016

EpiPen outrage continues

To the Editor:
    The author lazily conflates market exclusivity granted by patent (as per the U.S. constitution) with barriers to market competition erected after the patent's expiration. Neither Shkreli's Turing Pharaceuticals (in the earlierDaraprim episode) nor Bresch's Mylan (in the EpiPen episode) had done the R&D on the product. Each was gouging the public on a drug that had long been in the public domain, but which enjoyed post-patent barriers to market competition.
    The U.S. patent system is a clever Enlightenment-age invention that lets the market reward innovation and disclosure, enabling competitors to duplicate a new product or process and drive the price to the fair level--after a period of protected exclusivity. Although current U.S. IP law does not work in some sectors (e.g. software) it continues to underpin investment and innovation is other sectors of the  U.S. economy (e.g. drug research). It has no part in the price gouging of Shkreli and Bresch.
Barry Haskell Levine

Wednesday, September 7, 2016

playing at history

---------- Forwarded message ----------
From: barry levine <levinebar@gmail.com>
Date: Wed, Sep 7, 2016 at 8:03 AM
Subject: re: Obama, Acknowledging U.S. Misdeeds Abroad, Quietly Reframes American Power
To: "letters@nytimes.com" <letters@nytimes.com>


To the Editor:
    triumphalism warps our teaching texts
real history includes what we've done wrong
the causes get divorced from the effects
mere lyrics in a silly children's song
internment camps must never be forgot
what in good conscience no law could allow
how farmers had to leave their crops to rot
and sweat the war-years out in the hoosgow
if we're the sov'reigns here, we need to read
the sins our fathers wrought, not just the good
ideals they didn't manifest in deed
although they knew what it was that they should
the whitewashed version helps kids sleep at night
but doesn't educate them to what's right

Barry Haskell Levine

Thursday, August 18, 2016

Peace without partners



http://www.nytimes.com/2012/04/24/opinion/peace-without-partners.html?_r=1&ref=todayspaper

---------- Forwarded message ----------
From: barry levine 
Date: Tue, Apr 24, 2012 at 10:22 AM
Subject: re: Peace Without Partners
To: letters@nytimes.com


To the Editor:
     Sometime around the end of the first century c.e, Rabbi Tarfon
said: "It is not incumbent upon you to finish the task, but neither
are you free to absolve yourself from it" His words are as apt today
as they were then.  For too long, Israeli governments have been
content to cling to power by blaming Palestinians for intransigence.
The status quo is unsustainable and unacceptable.Those who claim to be
political "leaders" must not be content with finger-pointing and
whining.
Barry Haskell Levine

Sunday, July 17, 2016

: re: Insurers, Pushing for Higher Rates, Challenge Key Component of Health Law


---------- Forwarded message ----------
From: barry levine 
Date: Sun, Jul 17, 2016 at 7:49 PM
Subject: re: Insurers, Pushing for Higher Rates, Challenge Key Component of Health Law
To: "letters@nytimes.com"


To the Editor:
     As you note, "subsidies to help pay premiums" shield consumers partially from drastic hikes in insurance costs. But they do nothing to reduce the total cost of healthcare in this country. Americans currently pay more for healthcare than anyone, anywhere, has paid since the invention of money, and we don't have superior health outcomes to show for it. RomneyCare (AKA Affordable Care Act) guarantees the profitability of our Insurance Companies rather than optimizing the delivery of health care. Against this background, some version of Single Payer would represent a vast simplification of administrative costs, an vast improvement in tracking medical records and--if dozens of foreign experiments are any guide--a substantial saving of  money over our current fee-for-service hodgepodge.
Barry Haskell Levine



http://www.nytimes.com/2016/07/17/us/politics/insurers-pushing-for-higher-rates-challenge-key-component-of-health-law.html

Tuesday, June 7, 2016

re: Hillary Clinton has clinched nomination, survey reports


---------- Forwarded message ----------
From: barry levine <levinebar@gmail.com>
Date: Tue, Jun 7, 2016 at 9:20 AM
Subject: re: Hillary Clinton has Clinched Democratic Nomination, Survey Reports
To: "letters@nytimes.com" <letters@nytimes.com>


To the Editor:

this Clinton nomination's in the bag
if you believe the 'papers in her sway
they risk the reputation of their rag
preempting California's polling day
her fictive inevitability
collapsed like smoke in Two Thousand and Eight
when delegates showed that their loyalty
was to the most compelling Party Slate
this year, it's Sanders, advocating CHANGE
appealing to the liberal and hip
to turn our course, not merely rearrange
the deck-chairs on our rudderless State-ship
like Bush-the-first, she lacks that "vision thing"
but fiercely strives to grasp that big brass ring Barry Haskell Levine

Friday, May 20, 2016

: re: Obama’s War on Inequality


---------- Forwarded message ----------
From: barry levine 
Date: Fri, May 20, 2016 at 10:55 PM
Subject: re: Obama’s War on Inequality
To: "letters@nytimes.com"


To the Editor:
   Professor Krugman makes an impassioned call for a renewed New Deal and correctly points to what FDR accomplished 80 years ago, in circumstances parallel to the present. But he ties himself in knots to endorse Hillary Clinton's candidacy while praising Bernie Sanders' agenda. I'm not spilling any secrets to point out that senator Sanders is a New Deal Democrat and secretary Clinton is not.
Barry Haskell Levine

http://www.nytimes.com/2016/05/20/opinion/obamas-war-on-inequality.html?smid=tw-nytopinion&smtyp=cur&_r=0

There were two big economic policy stories this week that you may have missed if you were distracted by Trumpian bombast and the yelling of the Sanders dead-enders. Each tells you a lot about both what President Obama has accomplished and the stakes in this year’s election.
One of those stories, I’m sorry to say, did involve Donald Trump: The presumptive Republican nominee — who has already declared that he will, in fact, slash taxes on the rich, whatever he may have said in the recent past — once again declared his intention to do away with Dodd-Frank, the financial reform passed during Democrats’ brief window of congressional control. Just for the record, while Mr. Trump is sometimes described as a “populist,” almost every substantive policy he has announced would make the rich richer at workers’ expense.
The other story was about a policy change achieved through executive action: The Obama administration issued new guidelines on overtime pay, which will benefit an estimated 12.5 million workers.
What both stories tell us is that the Obama administration has done much more than most people realize to fight extreme economic inequality. That fight will continue if Hillary Clinton wins the election; it will go into sharp reverse if Mr. Trump wins.
Step back for a minute and ask, what can policy do to limit inequality? The answer is, it can operate on two fronts. It can engage in redistribution, taxing high incomes and aiding families with lower incomes. It can also engage in what is sometimes called “predistribution,” strengthening the bargaining power of lower-paid workers and limiting the opportunities for a handful of people to make giant sums. In practice, governments that succeed in limiting inequality generally do both.
We can see this in our own history. The middle-class society that baby boomers like me grew up in didn’t happen by accident; it was created by the New Deal, which engineered what economists call the “Great Compression,” a sharp reduction in income gaps. On one side, pro-labor policies led to a striking expansion of unions, which, along with the establishment of a fairly high minimum wage, helped raise wages, especially at the bottom. On the other side, taxes on the wealthy went up sharply, while major programs like Social Security aided working families.
We can also see this in cross-country comparisons. Among advanced countries, the U.S. has the highest level of inequality, Denmark the lowest. How does Denmark do it? Partly with higher taxes and bigger social programs, but it starts with lower inequality in market incomes, thanks in large part to high minimum wages and a labor movement representing two-thirds of workers.
Now, America isn’t about to become Denmark, and Mr. Obama, facing relentless opposition in Congress, has never been in a position to repeat the New Deal. (Even F.D.R. made limited headway against inequality until World War II gave the government unusual influence over the economy.) But more has happened than you might think.
Most obviously, Obamacare provides aid and subsidies mainly to lower-income working Americans, and it pays for that aid partly with higher taxes at the top. That makes it an important redistributionist policy — the biggest such policy since the 1960s.
And between those extra Obamacare taxes and the expiration of the high-end Bush tax cuts made possible by Mr. Obama’s re-election, the average federal tax rate on the top 1 percent has risen quite a lot. In fact, it’s roughly back to what it was in 1979, pre-Ronald Reagan, something nobody seems to know.
What about predistribution? Well, why is Mr. Trump, like everyone in the G.O.P., so eager to repeal financial reform? Because despite what you may have heard about its ineffectuality, Dodd-Frank actually has put asubstantial crimp in the ability of Wall Street to make money hand over fist. It doesn’t go far enough, but it’s significant enough to have bankers howling, which is a good sign.
And while the move on overtime comes late in the game, it’s a pretty big deal, and could be the beginning of much broader action.
Again, nothing Mr. Obama has done will put more than a modest dent in American inequality. But his actions aren’t trivial, either.A COMMENT
And even these medium-size steps put the lie to the pessimism and fatalism one hears all too often on this subject. No, America isn’t an oligarchy in which both parties reliably serve the interests of the economic elite. Money talks on both sides of the aisle, but the influence of big donors hasn’t prevented the current president from doing a substantial amount to narrow income gaps — and he would have done much more if he’d faced less opposition in Congress.
And in this as in so much else, it matters hugely whom the nation chooses as his successor.